Solingers Search (Compound Series Book 1)

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Schiller, The Economics of Poverty, 6—8. Rank, One Nation, Underprivileged, — People differ. Some are high school dropouts, others have PhDs. Some have jobs pushing paper, others flip hamburgers. Some give orders, others take orders. Some are law abiding, others spend years in prison.

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Some have a lot of money, power, and prestige, others have little. The future is bright for some, bleak for others. When sociologists are called upon to explain such differences, they usually commence by invoking the triumvirate of gender, race, and class: the kind of life we live depends on whether we are born male or female, white or black, blueblood or redneck.

Inequalities in educational achieve- ment, occupational attainment, and other social outcomes are due to in- herited differences in cognitive ability.

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People endowed with a high level of intelligence are destined to be rich, the moderately intelligent are slated for the middle class, and those born with low intelligence are doomed to poverty. Regardless of the circumstances of their birth, smart people rise to the top and dumb people fall to the bottom.

In this chapter, I focus on Richard J. This is the most important and widely cited recent statement of the biogenetic theory of poverty and inequality. It received extraordinary attention in the popular media when it was published in , and it has since generated a small library of reviews, commentaries, replications, and critiques. According to the authors of The Bell Curve, modern American society is becoming increasingly segregated into unequal social classes. Intelligence is also unevenly distributed by race and ethnicity, they argue, with black people being generally less intelligent than white people.

This intelligence gap, they propose, not discrimination, is what explains the persistence of racial inequality. Two developments, according to Herrnstein and Murray, have trans- formed the system of social stratification in the United States such that cog- nitive ability has now become the key to economic success. First, equality of opportunity has come to prevail, diminishing the influence of race, gen- der, and class background on individual achievement and social mobility.

People now compete for access to schools and jobs on a level playing field. Who wins and who loses in this competition is due primarily to merit, merit is primarily a matter of intelligence, and intelligence is primarily a matter of genes. Second, the technological upgrading of the economy has engendered a growing demand for workers with sophisticated cognitive skills.

The result is increasing inequality between the high IQ people who possess the requi- site brainpower and the low IQ people who do not. For Herrnstein and Murray, the class divide in the United States has be- come a cognitive divide, with rich bright people on one far end of the class spectrum and poor dull people on the other. Nowadays, IQ rather than family status, inherited wealth, or social connections is what gets people into the good schools and the good jobs.

High intelligence yields success and low intelligence yields failure. Not much can be done to alter this equation, either, at least not without undermining economic efficiency and social justice. Innate cogni- tive ability, in sum, because it governs access to educational institutions and occupational positions, is the principle determinant of who gets ahead.

Just as rich people are rich because they are smart, so too poor people are poor because they are not so smart.

In the biogenetic theory, poverty results from individual deficiencies in cognitive ability. People with low IQs are vulnerable to poverty because their intellectual inferiority makes them less able to learn, attain a quality education, acquire advanced skills, and per- form competently in high-status jobs. The intellectually dull are also prone to bad decisions and self-destructive behaviors that lead them into poverty, keep them there, and prevent them from getting ahead.

They are likely to have irregular job histories, experience bouts of unemployment, indulge in excessive drug and alcohol consumption, have unplanned pregnancies and out-of-wedlock births, drop out of high school, and participate in criminal activities and other forms of deviance. My critique of The Bell Curve is divided into three sections.

Social and educational interventions cannot appreciably raise the cog- nitive ability of persons born with low IQs. I will briefly discuss each of these issues in turn. First, many critics of The Bell Curve argue that intelligence is a multidi- mensional rather than a unidimensional phenomenon. It is not one thing. Some may have a facility for numbers, others for words; some may have good business sense, others artistic talent; some may have classroom smarts, others street smarts. The kind of intelligence facilitating high per- formance in one arena does not necessarily have the same payoff in an- other.

Individuals cannot be classified as uniformly bright or dull, there- fore, and their ranking on a single intelligence continuum cannot explain much about their social and economic outcomes. There are many kinds of cognitive abilities and many kinds of social endeavors as well, each favoring a somewhat different set of skills and talents. Second, standardized intelligence tests are direct measures of performance only, not ability, and how well test-takers perform may be affected by any- thing from mood to comfort level to test-taking experience.

Third, The Bell Curve, according to many critics, overestimates the genetic basis and heritability of IQ and underestimates the influence of the social environment. For children raised in poverty, for ex- ample, where material deprivation suppresses the full realization of intel-. The deeper problem with their argument is that Herrnstein and Murray misleadingly equate heritability with immutability. They falsely assume that if there is a large genetic component to IQ, then social reforms cannot significantly raise intelligence. They make their case not by showing that IQ matters greatly, but by showing that IQ matters more than family back- ground, as measured by parental socioeconomic status SES.

They proceed. Are people with low IQ scores more or less likely, for example, to drop out of high school than people with low SES? Their purpose in weighing IQ and SES in this manner is to determine which is more important: nature or nur- ture, genes or environment. The problems people expe- rience in their lives, poverty and unemployment for example, appear to be due more to lack of cognitive ability than adverse upbringing.

The implica- tion is genes count more than the social environment in shaping economic outcomes. People fare poorly in their lives, Herrnstein and Murray insist, not because they are socially disadvantaged, but because they are intellec- tually inferior. The Bell Curve, as a result, overestimates the influence of innate cognitive ability on life outcomes, including poverty, and under- estimates the influence of the social environment. This test, administered to respondents when they were be- tween the ages of 15 and 23, after years of accumulated experiences and schooling, measures achievement more than aptitude; it measures what people have learned more than their inborn capacity for learning.

Herrnstein and Murray recognize, in principle, that intelligence is not en- tirely a product of genetic inheritance. As much as 60 percent and at least 20 percent of the variation in IQ, they acknowledge, is due to nurture rather than nature, or at least to nurture-nature interaction. They typically neglect this qualification in their interpretation of the data, however, and implicitly treat IQ as measured by the AFQT as though it were a purely genetic prod- uct. Weighing the effect of SES and IQ on life outcomes is not an appropriate test of the power of social background versus the power of.

The Bell Curve proposes a simple theory of poverty: people are poor because they are deficient in inherited cognitive ability.

The poor are victims of their own bad genes, and social and educational interventions can do little to remedy the problem. In what follows, I identify five key weaknesses of. They regard poverty as a predica- ment low-IQ people get themselves into because they are unable to perform adequately in school and on the job and because they are prone to bad choices and self-destructive behaviors. Their terminology conveys the mes- sage that poverty is not so much a condition of society as it is an instance of individual inferiority and deviance. Indeed, they propose a single-factor individualistic theory, pinpoint- ing just one variable, an allegedly biological variable at that, as the key to ex- plaining the complex phenomenon of poverty.

And while they emphasize the limits set by genes from the inside, Herrnstein and Murray acknowledge no outside obstacles to achievement. They consider parental socioeconomic sta- tus, only to dismiss it, but they otherwise disregard the numerous external so- cial forces affecting life outcomes. In modern American society, Herrnstein and Murray insist, individuals compete for access to schools and jobs under conditions of equality of op- portunity.


In reality, however, neither the educational nor the occupational systems are meritocracies. Poor children are less likely to receive high-quality child care, attend high-quality pre- school programs, or benefit from a cognitively stimulating home environ- ment. By the time they are old enough for kindergarten, they are already.

The combination of budgetary constraints, rising tuition costs, declining scholarship money, and stagnant family incomes has made higher education unaffordable for many quali- fied students. Money has increased in importance relative to brains as a de- terminant of who gets a college degree.

Herrnstein and Murray fail to acknowledge inequalities of opportunity in the labor market as well. In particular, they downplay racial and gender dis- crimination and the persistent disadvantages associated with social class. A study conducted by a team of economists, drawing on the same data used in The Bell Curve, shows wage levels for women and racial minorities are lower compared to white males at the same level of cognitive ability.

A white man might earn a decent living even with a relatively low IQ, while a woman or an African American might struggle even with a relatively high IQ. The evidence reveals, contrary to the meritocracy ideal, that women and racial minorities are unable to cash in on their cognitive ability to the same extent as their white male counterparts. Disadvantages are passed on, too. Sig- nificant and enduring disparities in access to education and employment persist. Poor people are poor not because they have limited intelligence, but.

People with low IQs are more likely to be poor than people with high IQs. Herrnstein and Murray infer from this correlation that inherited cog- nitive ability exerts a causal influence on economic status—low intelligence leads to poverty. Children born into poverty face mul- tiple and cumulative disadvantages.

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If their IQ scores were not lower than average, it would be nothing short of miraculous. Low-income families often lack the financial means, social supports, and institutional resources necessary to nurture fully the abilities and aptitudes of their children. The fundamental problem for the poor is their poverty, not their IQs. High-IQ workers are slotted into the good jobs and low-IQ workers, if they are not entirely superfluous, are slotted into the bad jobs.

This occupational sorting process, for Herrnstein and Murray, is uniform, objective, rational, inevitable, and meritocratic: uniform, because. Independent of cognitive ability, however, as a vast social sci- ence literature shows, individuals may be disadvantaged by, among other things, their race, ethnicity, gender, age, and sexual preference.

They may be bumped from the inside track because they lack the requisite references. They may be perfect for a job, but unaware that an opening exists. Employ- ers might overlook cognitively qualified candidates because they have the wrong social or cultural background, have the wrong credentials, come from the wrong neighborhoods, know the wrong people, have the wrong physical appearance, or speak with the wrong accent. Applicants might be rejected because they are perceived to be lacking in proper work attitudes, loyalty, discipline, compatibility, people skills, or willingness to obey au- thority.

But it is ab- surd to think this is simply a matter of some people having low IQs.

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The individualistic bias of The Bell Curve is evident also in how Herrn- stein and Murray frame the poverty problem. They implicitly conceive the central empirical issue as one of identifying the characteristics of individu- als that make them more or less vulnerable to poverty.